Norton anthology of theory and criticism pdf download

Starts with the basics and students read a lot of fiction you can't be a fiction writer without reading shelves of fiction. Students write stories and their fiction is discussed in workshop. Prerequisite: freshman or sophomore standing and ENC or test score equivalency. Workshop concentrates on the basics of reading and writing poetry in order to write you have to read, and in order to be a reader you have to be a critic.

Students write poems and some are discussed in workshop. Continues instruction in basic techniques of voice, plot and character, while introducing advanced ones. Students read a lot of good stories and write a few themselves. Samuel Johnson said, "No man but a blockhead ever wrote, except for money. Writing poetry may become an addiction. This workshop continues with matter-of-fact techniques and some fancy ones as well.

Students write poems and read some difficult and thrilling poetry of the past and present. By the end, students may be able to say, with Humpty Dumpty, I can explain all the poems that ever were invented - and a good many that haven't been invented just yet. Small workshop for students who have made their way out of beginner's workshops with sanity intact. Now the work gets more difficult, more deranged and more delightful. Emerson said, "People do not deserve to have good writing, they are so pleased with bad.

Prerequisite: CRW More reeling and writhing," as Lewis Carroll said. An intense workshop for a small group of poets who have stared at the Pacific with a wild surmise.

Like Balboa - or was it Cortez? For students who want to trouble the literary editors and readers of the future. Many members of this class have gone on to graduate school in writing. Ants eat everything that is written, said an explorer. This is a workshop for ants. George I said, "I hate all Boets and Bainters. Students often go from this class into MFA programs in poetry. Teaches digital literacy and digital creativity.

Compose and convey creative, well-researched, carefully crafted information through digital platforms and multimodal documents.

Also promotes digital writing and research as central to academic, civic, and personal expression. Attributes: Satisfies Words of Writing Requirement.

Instruction in expository-argumentative writing related to one special topic selected by the instructor. Readings include variable genres from different disciplines. Prerequisite: ENC or test score equivalency. Surveys the forms and methods of communication used in business, industry and government, including nonformal and formal reports, letters, resumes and proposals.

Professional writing course relevant in business, industry, government and other institutional settings. Covers major elements of organizational communication with emphasis on composition of letters and memos, reports, proposals and manuals.

Prerequisite: junior or senior standing and two or level English courses. Advanced composition course in methods of exposition: definition, classification, comparison and contrast, analysis, illustration and identification. Advanced composition concerned with the writing of argument and critical analysis. ENC Hypermedia 3 Credits. The study and production of digital media, with emphasis on the World Wide Web. How to perform different levels of editing on a range of professional texts, including both printed and online texts as well as both technical and literary ones.

Administrative communication, professional papers, research reports, proposals and other major professional documents, depending on the needs of the students who must have developed communication skills.

Provides a mechanism by which coursework taken as part of an approved study abroad program can be recorded on the UF transcript and counted toward graduation.

Prerequisite: undergraduate advisor permission. Explores the practices of literacy in the context of popular culture, including cinema, television, advertising, popular fiction and journalism. Designed for non-majors seeking humanities credit in the areas of film and popular culture. Introduces the study of contemporary movies through attention to film form and structure, film genres and attention to popular culture.

Students are expected to see new movies off campus. Introduces thinking and writing about the cinema by means of film theory and history. Writing about novels, short stories, film and cultural studies primarily by American and British authors. Text and assignments are chosen to match the abilities of honor students. An extensive and sophisticated study of grammar, as well as a practical appreciation of its rhetorical purposes.

Examines movies as a mode of storytelling by emphasizing the difference between verbal and visual narration, and relation to contemporary thought and values.

Introduces the principal theoretical and critical issues raised by the first century of the cinema. History of film from its beginnings to the introduction of sound. Use of various psychological concepts to the application of literary study. Origins of the English language and its development from Old English to the present. Critical and historical study of films and videos by and about people of color in the Americas, Africa, Australia and Europe.

Variable topics provide in-depth study of film genres, notable film directors, and other significant topics on subjects related to film. Studies the roles and function of women in mainstream and alternative cinema, including study of feminist film criticism and theories of gender. Variable topics study of the films of historically important national cinemas, such as American, French, German, Italian, Russian, Japanese. Seminar on the independent and experimental uses of small-format film and video production.

Explores the development of new modes of thought, forms of art, popular culture, and social practices based on the electronic technology of video and computers.

Variable topics focus on one or more advanced aspects of film and video production, including such topics as editing of film and video or the production of 16mm films. Prerequisite: ENG Overview of major concerns, methodologies and texts in queer theory, illuminating the theoretical insights, assumptions and implications of various constructions of gender, sex and sexuality.

For advanced students who desire to supplement the regular courses by independent reading or research under guidance. Provides firsthand, supervised research in English. Projects may involve inquiry, design, investigation, scholarship, discovery or application in English. Small seminar classes study topics in English and American literature or film. Admission requires a written proposal of appropriate work experience from the student and a written acceptance for employment from the employer, including designation of a supervisor.

Successful completion requires a written summation of the work experience from the student and a written evaluation of performance by the supervisor. I have also added new material to most of the chapters the book has grown from a first edi- tion of around 65, words to a fourth edition that is well in excess of , words. The most obvious addition is the new chapter on psychoanalysis and the sections on post-Marxism Chapter 4 and the global postmodern Chapter 8.

Finally, I have changed the running order of the chapters. The chapters are now chronological in terms of where each begins. However, where each chapter ends may sometimes disrupt chronology.

For example, Marxism begins before post-structuralism, but where the discussion of Marxism ends is more contemporary than where the discussion of post-structuralism ends. There seems to be no obvious solution to this problem. Preface to third edition In writing the third edition I have sought to improve and to expand the material in the first two editions of this book. To achieve this I have revised and I have rewritten much more extensively than in the second edition. I have also added new material to most of the chapters.

Perhaps the most visible change is the addition of illus- trations, and the inclusion of a list of websites useful to the student of cultural theory and popular culture. Preface to second edition In writing the second edition I have sought to improve and to expand the material in the first book.

To achieve this I have revised and I have rewritten. More specifically, I have added new sections on popular culture and the carnivalesque, postmodernism and the pluralism of value. I have also extended five sections, neo-Gramscian cultural studies, popular film, cine-psychoanalysis and cultural studies, feminism as reading, postmodernism in the s, the cultural field.

Preface to first edition As the title of this book indicates, my subject is the relationship between cultural theory and popular culture. But as the title also indicates, my study is intended as an introduction to the subject. This has entailed the adoption of a particular approach. I have not tried to write a history of the encounter between cultural theory and popular culture.

Instead, I have chosen to focus on the theoretical and methodological impli- cations and ramifications of specific moments in the history of the study of popular culture.

To avoid misunderstanding and misrepresentation, I have allowed critics and theorists, when and where appropriate, to speak in their own words. In doing this, I am in agreement with the view expressed by the American liter- ary historian Walter E. Try to define them and you lose their essence, their special colour and tone. They have to be apprehended in their concrete and living formulation. However, this book is not intended as a substitute for reading first-hand the theorists and critics discussed here.

And, although each chapter ends with suggestions for further reading, these are intended to supplement the read- ing of the primary texts discussed in the individual chapters details of which are located in the Notes at the end of the book.

Above all, the intention of this book is to provide an introduction to the academic study of popular culture. As I have already indicated, I am under no illusion that this is a fully adequate account, or the only possible way to map the conceptual landscape that is the subject of this study. Finally, I hope I have written a book that can offer something to both those familiar with the subject and those to whom — as an academic subject at least — it is all very new.

I would also like to thank colleagues in the University of Sunderland Centre for Research in Media and Cultural Studies, and friends at other institutions, for ideas and encouragement. I would also like to thank Andrew Taylor of Pearson Education for giving me the opportunity to write a fifth edition. In some instances we have been unable to trace the owners of copyright material, and we would appreciate any information that would enable us to do so.

We are grateful to all the reviewers who generously gave their comments on this new edition. Before we consider in detail the different ways in which popular culture has been defined and analysed, I want to outline some of the general features of the debate that the study of popular culture has generated. It is not my intention to pre-empt the specific findings and arguments that will be presented in the following chapters.

Here I simply wish to map out the general conceptual landscape of popular culture. This is, in many ways, a daunting task. As we shall see in the chapters which follow, popular culture is always defined, implicitly or explicitly, in contrast to other conceptual categories: folk culture, mass culture, dominant culture, working-class cul- ture, etc.

A full definition must always take this into account. Therefore, to study popular culture we must first confront the difficulty posed by the term itself. The main argu- ment that I suspect readers will take from this book is that popular culture is in effect an empty conceptual category, one that can be filled in a wide variety of often conflict- ing ways, depending on the context of use. Williams suggests three broad definitions. This would be a perfectly understandable formulation. Using this definition, if we speak of the cul- tural development of Western Europe, we would have in mind not just intellectual and aesthetic factors, but the development of, for example, literacy, holidays, sport, religious festivals.

In other words, culture here means the texts and practices whose principal function is to signify, to produce or to be the occasion for the production of meaning. Using this definition, we would probably think of examples such as poetry, the novel, ballet, opera, and fine art. The second meaning — culture as a particular way of life — would allow us to speak of such practices as the seaside holiday, the celebration of Christmas, and youth subcultures, as examples of culture.

These are usually referred to as lived cultures or practices. The third meaning — culture as signifying practices — would allow us to speak of soap opera, pop music, and comics, as examples of culture. These are usually referred to as texts. Ideology Before we turn to the different definitions of popular culture, there is another term we have to think about: ideology. Ideology is a crucial concept in the study of popular cul- ture.

Like culture, ideology has many competing meanings. An understanding of this concept is often complicated by the fact that in much cultural analysis the concept is used interchangeably with culture itself, and especially popular culture.

The fact that ideology has been used to refer to the same conceptual terrain as culture and popular culture makes it an important term in any understanding of the nature of popular cul- ture. What follows is a brief discussion of just five of the many ways of understanding ideology. We will consider only those meanings that have a bearing on the study of popular culture.

First, ideology can refer to a systematic body of ideas articulated by a particular group of people. Here we would be referring to the collection of polit- ical, economic and social ideas that inform the aspirations and activities of the Party. Ideology 3 A second definition suggests a certain masking, distortion, or concealment.

Ideology is used here to indicate how some texts and practices present distorted images of real- ity. Such distortions, it is argued, work in the interests of the powerful against the interests of the powerless.

Using this definition, we might speak of capitalist ideology. What would be intimated by this usage would be the way in which ideology conceals the reality of domination from those in power: the dominant class do not see themselves as exploiters or oppres- sors.

And, perhaps more importantly, the way in which ideology conceals the reality of subordination from those who are powerless: the subordinate classes do not see them- selves as oppressed or exploited. This definition derives from certain assumptions about the circumstances of the production of texts and practices. This is one of the fundamental assumptions of classical Marxism. The totality of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation on which there arises a legal and political superstruc- ture and to which there correspond definite forms of social consciousness.

The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general 3. What Marx is suggesting is that the way a society organizes the means of its eco- nomic production will have a determining effect on the type of culture that society pro- duces or makes possible. In Chapter 4, we will consider the modifications made by Marx and Frederick Engels themselves to this formulation, and the way in which subsequent Marxists have further modified what has come to be regarded by many cultural critics as a rather mechanistic account of what we might call the social relations of culture and popular culture.

Abandon this claim, it is argued, and Marxism ceases to be Marxism Bennett, a: We can also use ideology in this general sense to refer to power relations outside those of class. In Chapter 8 we will examine the ideology of racism. This usage is intended to draw attention to the way in which texts television fiction, pop songs, novels, feature films, etc.

This definition depends on a notion of society as conflictual rather than consensual, structured around inequality, exploitation and oppression. Texts are said to take sides, consciously or unconsciously, in this conflict. There is no play and no theatrical performance which does not in some way affect the dispositions and conceptions of the audience. Another way of saying this would be simply to argue that all texts are ultimately political.

That is, they offer competing ideological significations of the way the world is or should be. A fourth definition of ideology is one associated with the early work of the French cultural theorist Roland Barthes discussed in more detail in Chapter 6.

What was being suggested is that the socialism of the Labour Party is synonymous with social, economic and political imprisonment. Moreover, it hoped to locate socialism in a binary relationship in which it connoted unfreedom, whilst conservatism connoted freedom.

For Barthes, this would be a classic example of the operations of ideology, the attempt to make universal and legitimate what is in fact partial and particular; an attempt to pass off that which is cultural i. This is made clear in such formulations as a female pop singer, a black jour- nalist, a working-class writer, a gay comedian. A fifth definition is one that was very influential in the s and early s. It is the definition of ideology developed by the French Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser.

We shall discuss Althusser in more detail in Chapter 4. Here I will simply outline some key points about one of his definitions of ideology.

Principally, what Althusser has in mind is the way in which certain rituals and customs have the effect of binding us to the social order: a social order that is marked by enormous inequalities of wealth, status and power. Using this definition, we could describe the seaside holiday or the celebra- tion of Christmas as examples of ideological practices. This would point to the way in which they offer pleasure and release from the usual demands of the social order, but that, ultimately, they return us to our places in the social order, refreshed and ready to tolerate our exploitation and oppression until the next official break comes along.

In this sense, ideology works to reproduce the social conditions and social relations neces- sary for the economic conditions and economic relations of capitalism to continue. So far we have briefly examined different ways of defining culture and ideology. What should be clear by now is that culture and ideology do cover much the same con- ceptual landscape. The main difference between them is that ideology brings a polit- ical dimension to the shared terrain.

Popular culture There are various ways to define popular culture. This book is of course in part about that very process, about the different ways in which various critical approaches have attempted to fix the meaning of popular culture.

Therefore, all I intend to do for the remainder of this chapter is to sketch out six definitions of popular culture that in their different, general ways, inform the study of popular culture. An obvious starting point in any attempt to define popular culture is to say that popular culture is simply culture that is widely favoured or well liked by many people.

And, undoubtedly, such a quantitative index would meet the approval of many people. We could also examine attendance records at concerts, sporting events, and festivals. We could also scrutinize market research figures on audience preferences for different television programmes. Such counting would undoubtedly tell us a great deal. The difficulty might prove to be that, paradoxically, it tells us too much. Despite this problem, what is clear is that any definition of popular culture must include a quantitative dimension.

The popular of popular culture would seem to demand it. What is also clear, however, is that on its own, a quantitative index is not enough to provide an adequate definition of popular culture. A second way of defining popular culture is to suggest that it is the culture that is left over after we have decided what is high culture.

Popular culture, in this definition, is a residual category, there to accommodate texts and practices that fail to meet the required standards to qualify as high culture. In other words, it is a definition of popu- lar culture as inferior culture. For example, we might want to insist on formal complexity.

In other words, to be real culture, it has to be difficult. Being difficult thus ensures its exclusive status as high culture. Its very difficulty liter- ally excludes, an exclusion that guarantees the exclusivity of its audience. The French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu argues that cultural distinctions of this kind are often used to support class distinctions. This will be discussed in more detail in Chapters 9 and This definition of popular culture is often supported by claims that popular cul- ture is mass-produced commercial culture, whereas high culture is the result of an individual act of creation.

The latter, therefore, deserves only a moral and aesthetic response; the former requires only a fleeting sociological inspection to unlock what little it has to offer. Whatever the method deployed, those who wish to make the case for the division between high and popular culture generally insist that the division between the two is absolutely clear. Moreover, not only is this division clear, it is trans- historical — fixed for all time.

This latter point is usually insisted on, especially if the division is dependent on supposed essential textual qualities. There are many problems with this certainty. For example, William Shakespeare is now seen as the epitome of high culture, yet as late as the nineteenth century his work was very much a part of popular theatre.

Similarly, film noir can be seen to have crossed the border supposedly separating popu- lar and high culture: in other words, what started as popular cinema is now the pre- serve of academics and film clubs.

Even the most rigorous defenders of high culture would not want to exclude Pavarotti or Puccini from its select enclave. Such commercial success on any quantitative ana- lysis would make the composer, the performer and the aria, popular culture. Other stu- dents laughed and mocked. About , people were expected, but because of heavy rain, the number who actually attended was around , Two things about the event are of interest to a student of popular culture. The first is the enormous popularity of the event.

His obvious popularity would appear to call into question any clear division between high and popular culture. It is therefore interesting to note the way in which the event was reported in the media.

All the British tabloids carried news of the event on their front pages. The Daily Mirror, for instance, had five pages devoted to the concert. What the tabloid coverage reveals is a clear attempt to define the event for popular culture. When the event was reported on televi- sion news programmes the following lunchtime, the tabloid coverage was included as part of the general meaning of the event.

The old certainties of the cultural landscape suddenly seemed in doubt. Although such comments invoked the spectre of high-culture exclusivity, they seemed strangely at a loss to offer any purchase on the event. The apparently obvious cultural division between high and popular culture no longer seemed so obvious.

An example of this usage would be: it was a popular performance. Yet, on the other hand, something is said to be bad for the very same reason.

Consider the binary oppositions in Table 1. Table 1. This is principally the work of the education sys- tem and its promotion of a selective tradition see Chapter 3. This draws heavily on the previous definition. The mass culture perspective will be discussed in some detail in Chapter 2; therefore all I want to do here is to suggest the basic terms of this definition.

The first point that those who refer to popular culture as mass culture want to establish is that popular culture is a hopelessly commercial culture. It is mass- produced for mass consumption. Its audience is a mass of non-discriminating con- sumers. The culture itself is formulaic, manipulative to the political right or left, depending on who is doing the analysis. It is a culture that is consumed with brain- numbed and brain-numbing passivity.

Simon Frith also points out that about 80 per cent of singles and albums lose money. Such stat- istics should clearly call into question the notion of consumption as an automatic and passive activity see Chapters 7 and This usually takes one of two forms: a lost organic community or a lost folk culture. The Frankfurt School, as we shall see in Chapter 4, locate the lost golden age, not in the past, but in the future.

The claim that popular culture is American culture has a long history within the theoretical mapping of popular culture. There are two things we can say with some confidence about the United States and popular culture. Second, although the availability of American culture worldwide is undoubted, how what is available is consumed is at the very least contradictory see Chapter 9. What is true is that in the s one of the key periods of Americanization , for many young people in Britain, American culture represented a force of liberation against the grey certain- ties of British everyday life.

What is also clear is that the fear of Americanization is closely related to a distrust regardless of national origin of emerging forms of popu- lar culture. As with the mass culture perspective generally, there are political left and political right versions of the argument.

There is what we might call a benign version of the mass culture perspective. The texts and practices of popular culture are seen as forms of public fantasy. Popular cul- ture is understood as a collective dream world. In this sense, cultural practices such as Christmas and the seaside holiday, it could be argued, function in much the same way as dreams: they articulate, in a disguised form, collective but repressed wishes and desires.

Structuralism, although not usually placed within the mass culture perspective, and certainly not sharing its moralistic approach, nevertheless sees popular culture as a sort of ideological machine which more or less effortlessly reproduces the prevailing struc- tures of power.

There is little space for reader activity or textual contradiction. Chapter 6 will consider these issues in some detail. This is popular culture as folk culture: a culture of the people for the people. No matter how much we might insist on this definition, the fact remains that people do not spontaneously produce culture from raw materials of their own making.

Whatever popular culture is, what is certain is that its raw materials are those which are commercially provided. Critical analysis of pop and rock music is particularly replete with this kind of analysis of popular culture. At a con- ference I once attended, a contribution from the floor suggested that Levi jeans would never be able to use a song from The Jam to sell its products.

The fact that they had already used a song by The Clash would not shake this conviction. As this was not going to happen, Levi jeans would never use a song by The Jam to sell its products. But this had already happened to The Clash, a band with equally sound political credentials. This circular exchange stalled to a stop. The cultural studies use of the concept of hegemony would have, at the very least, fuelled further discussion see Chapter 4.

A fifth definition of popular culture, then, is one that draws on the political ana- lysis of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, particularly on his development of the concept of hegemony. This will be dis- cussed in some detail in Chapter 4. The process is historical labelled popular culture one moment, and another kind of culture the next , but it is also synchronic moving between resistance and incorporation at any given historical moment. For instance, the seaside holiday began as an aristocratic event and within a hundred years it had become an example of popular culture.

Film noir started as despised popular cinema and within thirty years had become art cinema. In general terms, those looking at popular culture from the perspective of hegemony theory tend to see it as a terrain of ideological struggle between dominant and subordinate classes, dominant and subordinate cultures.

As Bennett explains, The field of popular culture is structured by the attempt of the ruling class to win hegemony and by forms of opposition to this endeavour. Popular culture 11 The compromise equilibrium of hegemony can also be employed to analyse differ- ent types of conflict within and across popular culture.

The Conservative Party political broadcast, discussed earlier, reveals this process in action. What was being attempted was the disarticulation of socialism as a political movement concerned with economic, social and political emancipation, in favour of its articulation as a political movement concerned to impose restraints on individual freedom.

Also, as we shall see in Chapter 7, feminism has always recognized the importance of cultural struggle within the contested landscape of popular culture. Feminist presses have published science fiction, detective fiction and romance fiction. Such cultural interventions rep- resent an attempt to articulate popular genres for feminist politics.

It is also possible, using hegemony theory, to locate the struggle between resistance and incorporation as taking place within and across individual popular texts and practices. Thus a text is made up of a contradictory mix of different cultural forces.

How these elements are articulated will depend in part on the social cir- cumstances and historical conditions of production and consumption. David Morley has modified the model to take into account discourse and subjectivity: seeing reading as always an interaction between the discourses of the text and the discourses of the reader.

There is another aspect of popular culture that is suggested by hegemony theory. This is of course to make popular culture a profoundly political concept. Popular culture is a site where the construction of everyday life may be examined. The point of doing this is not only academic — that is, as an attempt to understand a process or practice — it is also political, to examine the power relations that con- stitute this form of everyday life and thus reveal the configurations of interests its construction serves Turner, 6.

Fiske argues, as does Paul Willis from a slightly different perspective also discussed in Chapter 10 , that popular culture is what people make from the products of the culture industries — mass culture is the repertoire, popular culture is what people actively make from it, actually do with the commodities and commodified practices they consume.

A sixth definition of popular culture is one informed by recent thinking around the debate on postmodernism. This will be the subject of Chapter 9.

All I want to do now is to draw attention to some of the basic points in the debate about the relationship between postmodernism and popular culture. The main point to insist on here is the claim that postmodern culture is a culture that no longer recognizes the distinction between high and popular culture. As we shall see, for some this is a reason to celebrate an end to an elitism constructed on arbitrary distinctions of culture; for others it is a reason to despair at the final victory of commerce over culture.

For example, there is a growing list of artists who have had hit records as a result of their songs appearing in television com- mercials. Moreover, it is now possible to buy CDs that consist of the songs that have become successful, or have become successful again, as a result of being used in advertisements. There is a wonderful circularity to this: songs are used to sell products and the fact that they do this successfully is then used to sell the songs. Those on the political right might worry about what it is doing to the status of real culture.

This has resulted in a sus- tained debate in cultural studies. The significance of popular culture is central to this debate. This, and other questions, will be explored in Chapter 9. This of course makes Britain the first country to produce popular culture defined in this historically restricted way. There are other ways to define popular culture, which do not depend on this particular history or these particu- lar circumstances, but they are definitions that fall outside the range of the cultural theorists and the cultural theory discussed in this book.

The argument, which under- pins this particular periodization of popular culture, is that the experience of industri- alization and urbanization changed fundamentally the cultural relations within the landscape of popular culture. Before industrialization and urbanization, Britain had two cultures: a common culture which was shared, more or less, by all classes, and a separate elite culture produced and consumed by the dominant classes in society see Burke, ; Storey, As a result of industrialization and urbanization, three things happened, which together had the effect of redrawing the cultural map.

First of all, industrialization changed the relations between employees and employers. Second, urbanization produced a residential separation of classes. For the first time in British history there were whole sections of towns and cities inhabited only by working men and women.

Third, the panic engendered by the French Revolution — the fear that it might be imported into Britain — encouraged successive governments to enact a variety of repressive measures aimed at defeating radicalism. Political radical- ism and trade unionism were not destroyed, but driven underground to organize beyond the influence of middle-class interference and control. These three factors combined to produce a cultural space outside of the paternalist considerations of the earlier common culture.

The result was the production of a cultural space for the generation of a popular culture more or less outside the controlling influence of the dominant classes. How this space was filled was a subject of some controversy for the founding fathers of culturalism see Chapter 3. A great deal of the difficulty arises from the absent other which always haunts any definition we might use.

It is never enough to speak of popular culture; we have always to acknowledge that with which it is being contrasted. Most of the time and for most people it simply is culture.

This of course makes an understanding of the range of ways of theorizing popular culture all the more important. This book, then, is about the theorizing that has brought us to our present state of thinking on popular culture.

It is about how the changing terrain of popular culture has been explored and mapped by different cultural theorists and different theoretical approaches.

It is upon their shoulders that we stand when we think critically about popular culture. The aim of this book is to introduce readers to the different ways in which popular culture has been analysed and the different popular cultures that have been articulated as a result of the process of analysis.

For it must be remembered that popular culture is not a historically fixed set of popular texts and practices, nor is it a historically fixed conceptual category. The object under theoretical scrutiny is both his- torically variable, and always in part constructed by the very act of theoretical engage- ment.

This is further complicated by the fact that different theoretical perspectives have tended to focus on particular areas of the popular cultural landscape. The most com- mon division is between the study of texts popular fiction, television, pop music, etc. The aim of this book, therefore, is to provide readers with a map of the terrain to enable them to begin their own explorations, to begin their own map- ping of the main theoretical and political debates that have characterized the study of popular culture.

Further reading Storey, John ed. This is the companion volume to this book. It contains examples of most of the work discussed here. This book and the companion Reader are supported by an interactive website www. The website has links to other useful sites and electronic resources.

As the title implies, this is a book about cultural studies written from a perspective sympathetic to the Frankfurt School. Further reading 15 Allen, Robert C. Although this collection is specifically focused on television, it contains some excel- lent essays of general interest to the student of popular culture.

An interesting collection of essays, covering both theory and analysis. A brilliant glossary of the key terms in cultural theory. Day, Gary ed. A mixed col- lection of essays, some interesting and useful, others too unsure about how seriously to take popular culture. An excellent introduc- tion to some of the key issues in cultural studies.

A collection of essays analysing different examples of popular culture. A clear pre- sentation of his particular approach to the study of popular culture. The book traces the debate between high and popular culture, with particular, but not exclusive, reference to the Australian experience, from the eigh- teenth century to the present day. A useful introduction to contemporary cultural theory. A collection of essays, with an informed and interesting introduction.

The book is helpfully divided into sections on different approaches to popular culture: historical, anthropological, sociological and cultural. A useful and interesting collection of essays on cultural theory and popular culture. An historical account of the concept of popular culture. A clear and comprehensive introduction to theories of popular culture. An excellent introduction to the study of popular media culture. Still the best introduction to British cultural studies.

Another excellent introduction to cultural studies: useful, informative and funny. In the nineteenth century, however, there is a fundamental change in this relationship. Those with power lose, for a crucial period, the means to control the culture of the sub- ordinate classes. When they begin to recover control, it is culture itself, and not culture as a symptom or sign of something else, that becomes, really for the first time, the actual focus of concern.

As we noted at the end of Chapter 1, two factors are crucial to an understanding of these changes: industrialization and urbanization. Together they produce other changes that contribute to the making of a popular culture that marks a decisive break with the cultural relationships of the past.

If we take early nineteenth-century Manchester as our example of the new industrial urban civilization, certain points become clear. First of all, the town evolved clear lines of class segregation; second, residential separation was compounded by the new work relations of industrial capitalism.

Third, on the basis of changes in living and working relations, there developed cultural changes. Edmund Husserl is widely regarded as one of the most influential philosophers of the twentieth century. The founder of p. A lively, straight-forward approach to the basics of American PoliticsWritten to engage students, and kept short to prov.

Philosophy made accessible for introductory students. The Second Edition of this path-breaking collection gives student. You and your company can work less, be more productive, and make time for what's really important.

The idea of succ.